Deles Wants Permanent End to the Peace Negotiations
/by Fidel Agcaoilliby Fidel V. Agcaoili
Spokesperson, NDFP Negotiating Panel
12 June 2013
Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Teresita Deles claims that the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), representing the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), New People´s Army (NPA) and all revolutionary forces in the peace negotiations, has designed the peace talks to be unending.
Real reasons why Aquino Regime has ended Peace Negotiations with NDFP
/by Jose Maria SisonBy Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Chief Political Consultant
NDFP Negotiating Panel
07 May 2013
Condemnation of Misrepresentation by Officials and Paid Hacks of Aquino Regime
/by Jose Maria SisonFacts Belie Claims of GPH Officials on Termination of Peace Talks
/by Louie JalandoniBy LUIS G. JALANDONI
Chairperson, NDFP Negotiating Panel
03 May 2013
A presentation of the facts which transpired at the 25-26 February 2013 meeting in Amsterdam between representatives of the government of the Philippines (GPH) and National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) belies the claims of GPH officials that the GPH terminated the formal peace talks and that the NDFP “killed” the special track. OPAPP Secretary Teresita Deles, GPH Negotiating Panel Chairperson Alexander Padilla and GPH Presidential Spokesperson Edwin Lacierda have made such claims.
On the morning of 26 February, there was a discussion of the inputs by the GPH representatives coming from their 20 February 2013 draft. This draft insisted on indefinite, simultaneous and unilateral ceasefires. It also declared that land reform and national industrialization were “ideologically charged” concepts. After that discussion, the GPH representatives abruptly left the meeting room.
Immediately, Royal Norwegian facilitator Ambassador Ture Lundh called for a sidebar meeting between him, Secretary Ronald Llamas and Professor Jose Maria Sison. Ambassador Ture Lundh asked both delegations to reconvene. Prof. Sison said the NDFP side would probably agree to reconvene if they would be able to present the NDFP Draft Agreement to Formulate the General Declaration.
However, Secretary Ronald Llamas said he wanted to consult his principal. When Ambassador Lundh said he also wanted to consult his principal, Prof. Sison had to agree. He then gave copies to Llamas and Ture Lundh of the above-mentioned NDFP draft and the NDFP Initial and Partial Draft General Declaration on National Unity and Just Peace, both dated 26 February 2013.
There was absolutely no talk about termination of the peace talks. Nor was there talk of the special track being killed.
GPH Presidential Spokesperson Lacierda’s insistence that the NDFP has been informed of the termination of the peace talks is contradicted by the facts. He exposes his ignorance of the provision of the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) which stipulates that a written notice of termination must be given. No such notice of termination has been given to the NDFP, which is the proper addressee of such notice of termination.
(Sgd) LUIS G. JALANDONI
Chairperson, NDFP Negotiating Panel
NDFP Exposes Aquino Regime’s False Claims on Termination of Peace Talks
/by Louie JalandoniBy LUIS G. JALANDONI
Chairperson, NDFP Negotiating Panel
01 May 2013
The NDFP is open to continuing peace talks
/by Louie JalandoniBy LUIS G. JALANDONI
Chairperson, NDFP Negotiating Panel
30 April 2013
The Aquino regime is acting irresponsibly by issuing bellicose statements about terminating the peace negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines. It again shows no respect for binding peace agreements. For one, the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) of 1995 requires that written notice be given by one party to the other in order to terminate the JASIG and the peace negotiations. No written notice of termination of the JASIG and the peace negotiations has been given by the GPH to the NDFP.
What “Rising Tiger” are the World Bank and the Aquino regime talking about? – Part 2
/by NDFP Peace ConsultantsWhat “Rising Tiger” are the World Bank and the Aquino regime talking about?
Alan Jazmines
02 April 2013
The Benigno S. Aquino III regime is self-congratulatory about government statistics portraying an unusually high (6.6%) growth rate of the country’s Gross Domestic Product in 2012 building up from to 6.3% in the first half to 7.1% in the later part of the year.
The regime is even more titillated that with such a showing, the World Bank’s Country Director Motoo Konishi now all of a sudden calls the Philippines a “rising tiger”.
The regime attributes such “good grades” as a result of its promotion of the “straight road” and of “good governance”.
Closer and more objective and truthful analysis and presentation of data, however, reveal that the supposed “outstanding growth rate” of the country’s GDP, the mass of the people have all the more been suffering amidst many prettifying cover-ups, and the country’s economic base have only been continuing to get worse and worse especially at the ground level.
Given the prevailing semi-colonial, semi-feudal, pre-industrial and backward agrarian economy, the Philippines has for a long time been Asia’s socio-economic laggard. The Asian Development Bank has for a long time now been pointing this out, and the OECD Development Center confirms that this has not at all change despite the present delusionary “good grades”.
The OECD Development Center also notes that poverty incidence in the Philippines remains the highest among the ASEAN’s five founding members (including Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Singapore), with about 25 million or one fourth of the population in the Philippines living below the world’s poverty threshold of $1/day or P45/day.
In the first place, last year’s supposed growth should better be referred to as a mirage, as its 6.6% was computed from a low base – – the 3% dismal growth rate of the country’s economy the year before.
Such “growth” of 6.6% in the whole of 2012 (and even 7.1% in the latter part of the year) did not show real industrial growth, even if for the first time in many years a significant “boost” was supposed to have come from the industrial sector. Bulk of the supposed “industrial growth” was in construction, jumping by an additional 24.3% from a year earlier, due largely to the rush of late in construction activities – – principally in the raising of new buildings and “property booms” due to the surge of call center and other business process outsourcing (BPO) activities being set up in the country, and in the rise in sales of condominium units boosted principally by the massive inflow of remittances from the now more than 12 million overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), whose total remittances sent through banks (and not including those sent via other means) have now reached $21 billion a year and have already become the third largest in the world after China and Mexico.
A third major source of supposed “growth” in the last decade or so – – the re-export (after some labor-intensive processing locally) of semi-conductors and other electronic semi manufacturers – – have for the last several years amounted to more than $25 billion annually, and consisted more than 60% of the country’s export.
All these sources of supposed “growth”, however, are characterized by the mere exploitation of cheap labor of Filipinos, whether r locally or abroad. The windfalls of the benefits from the exploitation of such surplus cheap labor, especially in terms of returns to capital and in terms of economic development and growth, are harvested not by those who perform the cheap labor but their foreign and local exploiters.
The most that the performers of cheap labor get are crumbs from the table of their imperialist and comprador exploiters, that in the case of the Philippines span from increases in consumer purchases and services, especially of luxuries (including more purchases of massively dumped imported or multinational-patented commercial products to the likes of condominium units). Thus, the big rise in commerce and services plus sales of condominium units, over more solid industrial and agricultural production for the benefits of the masses, have been leading the Philippine economy since the surge of exports of surplus cheap labor, influx of BPOs and re-export of semi-processed electronic parts.
The irony in all this is more clearly seen in the fact that while all such “growth” based on the exploitation of the country’s surplus cheap labor is building up in the trillions, just a few people are benefiting from the country’s wealth, while more and more the multitude are being dumped to suffer on the wayside.
This is most notably marked in the continuous rise of unemployment and underemployment (i.e., disguised unemployment) which have already be fallen more than 12 million ( more than 30%) of the available workforce. Ironically, when the country’s GDP supposedly grew by 7.1% in the later part of the year, unemployment increased all the more by 900,000.
Without the huge export of labor overseas, the employment and underemployment rates would practically double, or even be a lot more.
With such overly large unemployment and underemployment, Philippine labor has become cheaper and cheaper, and even more expendable. The legal minimum wage is less than half the value of the about P1,000 daily wage required for a family of six to be able to live decently. The actual average wage of a workers is actually even worth much less in present terms, and becoming more less due to the rising prices of essential commodities.
It is because of all this and more (including the widespread and increasing landlessness and joblessness of the great majority in the countryside) that the mass of the people are getting poorer and poorer, while the elite of the country and their foreign masters are fast getting richer and richer.
This has been shown quite concretely and starkly shown in the data former national economic planning chief Cielito Habito has come out with: the country’s 40 richest families’ aggregate wealth was reported by Forbes Asia to have rises by $13 billion 1n 2010-2011 – – equivalent (in value) to 76.5% of the growth then of the whole country’s GDP (which nominally rose then by $17 billion). Habito went on to compare this to Malaysia, where the equivalent number of richest families reported by Forbes Asia amassed a rise in aggregate wealth equivalent to only 5.6% of the country’s GDP growth, and to Japan, where the figure was only 2.8%. – – pointing out that income inequality in our country is much, much worse than that of other countries in the continent. Clearly, the Philippines big comprador, big bureaucrat and big landlord elite and their imperialist masters have been exploiting the people with more and more greed and disdain, more and more miserable.
What “rising tiger” are the World Bank and the Benigno S. Aquino III regime now talking about?
Drastic fundamental overhaul of the entire bankrupt, unjust, exploitative, rotten and moribund semi-colonial and semi-feudal ruling system in the country will have to be made to reverse the worsening socio-economic crisis that has long been overly burdening the Filipino people.
This article was written by Alan Jazmines, a peace consultant of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDF) and a member of the NDF’s Socio-Economic Reform Committee. Since the mid-2011, the committee should have been meeting with its counterpart from the side of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GPH) for the second round of the formal NDF-GPH peace talks, that is supposed to center on socio-economic reforms. The meetings, however, have not taken place because of Jasmines’ arrest at the very eve of the first round of the formal NDF-GPH peace talks on February 14, 2011 and his continued detention since then, and the and continued detention of more than a dozen other NDF peace consultants,. The NDF-GPH Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) is supposed to protect peace consultants of both parties from surveillance, arrest, detention and other antagonistic acts that would prevent or deter in any way their effective participation and work in the peace process. The NDF demands that, for the formal peace talks to be able to resume and proceed with the substantive agenda, the GPH is obliged to respect and comply first with the JASIG and other NDF-GPH peace agreement.
Aquino government commits war crimes in violating International Humanitarian Law
/by Louie JalandoniBy LUIS G. JALANDONI
Chairperson, NDFP Negotiating Panel
25 March 2013
The National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) condemns in the strongest possible terms the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and its armed forces for committing war crimes in violating international humanitarian law.
Earlier, in a statement, the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) claimed that the New People’s Army killed an average of one civilian per week in 374 violent incidents in 2012. This, and the statement that the civilians killed in the 27 January La Castellana incident were deliberately targeted, are sheer lies and mere psywar attempts aimed at discrediting the revolutionary national liberation movement in the country represented by the NDFP.
To set the record straight, the figures being peddled by the AFP are false, to say the least, paling in comparison to the number of violations of international humanitarian law actually committed by the armed forces of the GPH. Under the Aquino administration alone, 748 violations of international humanitarian law were recorded from complaints filed against the GPH with the Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC).
The use, occupation or attack of private residences, schools, and other public places (e.g. day care centers and barrangay halls) is the leading violation against civilians, with 146 recorded incidents. Not included in this number is the use of the Sadanga National High School in Mountain Province by elements of the 54th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army as a military detachment since 2009, as reported by Human Rights Watch (HRW) in 2011.
The other common violations were: divestment of property, 121 instances; killings, 102 instances; destruction of property, 87 instances; and forcible evacuation and displacement, 72 instances, all of which were committed in pursuit of military and paramilitary operations against civilians and communities suspected of supporting or under the influence of the revolutionary movement.
Other violations of international humanitarian law were also recorded:
indiscriminate gunfire, strafing, bombing, and aerial bombardment of civilian communities (51 instances), from which four (4) civilians had died; use of civilians in police, military or paramilitary operations as guide and/or shield (34 instances); exploitation of children in the context of armed conflict (19 instances); forced recruitment or conscription of children (14 instances); and the creation, maintenance and support of paramilitary groups within civilian communities (nine instances). There were also victims who, aside from being forcibly displaced from their residences, collectively experienced denial of humanitarian access and medical attention (nine instances), food and other economic blockades (five instances), and hamletting (two instances).
Fallen revolutionary fighters who, under international humanitarian law were entitled to rights as hors de combat, suffered from atrocities in the hands of GPH security forces. There were four (4) horrifying incidents of mutilation and desecration, and refusal to tender the remains of NPA members who were killed in battle.
The GPH has been diverting the peopleâs attention away from these deplorable facts — of committing war crimes in implementing Oplan Bayanihan, the US-designed counter-insurgency military strategy of the AFP. But the people will not be fooled and misled by psywar propaganda of the GPH. They have stood witness to the truth that GPH armed forces are war criminals and leading violators of international humanitarian law. No amount of perverting the news will change this fact.
Once again, the Aquino government is being reminded that it is responsible for these gross violations of international humanitarian law and human rights. It is accountable under universally accepted rules of war and international humanitarian law, as well as agreements which the GPH has forged with the NDFP. As such, it should address these violations, abide by its commitment under the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) and engage in good faith in the peace negotiations in order to solve the roots of armed conflict.#
Education as a Basic Right of the People… of the Youth… and even of the Poor
/by NDFP Peace ConsultantsEducation as a basic right of the people… of the youth… and even of the poor
(25 March 2013)
A 16 year old behavioral science freshman’s suicide last March 15 was induced by her having been obliged to take a leave of absence from school and to surrender her school identification card due to her family’s inability to pay a previous loan and to secure a new loan from the school and thus her inability to pay by the deadline her tuition fee for the next semester at the University of the Philippine – Manila.
Kristel Tejada’s tragic death was followed right after by mass protests in school of the UP System all over the country and in some other schools in the country.
Practically the same thing also induced another young student, Marionette Amper, to commit suicide a little more than five years ago. Marionette was then an 11 year old elementary school student in Davao Oriental when she killed herself on Nov. 2, 2007. She left behind a letter to her parents, bidding farewell and explaining that what she did was because of her inability to accomplish her school-required education project, because of her family’s dire poverty. In sympathy with her and millions of other poor students and youth suffering like she did, masses of others students and youth waged protest actions in Mindanao, Metro Manila and other parts of the country.
All these depict the sorry state of the present rotten and inutile prevailing elite system’s provision of education for the benefit of the country’s youth and future.
The highly inadequate, stingy and declining support by the prevailing state for public education and its requisites for the youth and needy has long been one of the basic problems of Filipino youth and people.
Education, however, including the fulfilling of its requisites, is a basic human right and the ruling state bears the responsibility and duty to ensure its delivery, including free elementary and intermediate education for all who need, as well as free tertiary and higher education, based on merit at the minimum and eventually for all who need.
Contrary to this, the highly inadequate, stingy and declining free tertiary education on a highly selective basis for the qualified needy youth has been a problem for a great majority among the Filipino youth and their parents, particularly among the more than 90% who are poor and needy.
The widespread furor caused by the casualty in Kristel of the twin “no late payment” and “forced leave of absence” policies made the school administration withdraw these rigid policies four days after Kristel’s death.
But these twin policies were only a couple of flies amid a swarm of elitist, profit-oriented and anti-poor policies of the ruling state.
While, for one, the United nations stipulates that at least 6% of a country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) be devoted to public spending on education, in the Philippines this been limited to only 2%. Moreover, the share of the state universities and colleges (SECs) in the GDP has gone down further from 0.4% in 1991 to 0.29% in 2012.
The program for the people’s rights, welfare and development, that the National Democratic Front (NDF) and its allied organizations are fighting for, includes the state’s delivery of free quality education for the youth and the needy, especially among the impoverished and deprived.
To avoid the elitist system, indifferent bureaucracy and profit motive’s neglecting or belittling such basic human right, include in the NDF socio-economic program is the state’s eventual assimilation of private schools into the free public education system, including at the tertiary level, and giving full support for it and its requisites, so that what happened to Kristel, Marionette and other will not happen again to many more of the country’s youth, who want quality education but have only become frustrated because their families are poor and cannot pay for their continuing education and requisites.
This is just one among many fundamental issues included in the socio-economic reforms agenda of the NDF in formal peace talks with the Government of the Philippines (GPH).
A big problem, however, is that the formal peace talks between the NDF and GPH has been stalled because of the Benigno Aquino III regime refuses to release NDF peace consultants and other participants in the peace talks, who were surveilled, arrested, detained and subjected to other antagonistic acts in violation of their supposed protection by virtue of the Joint on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG), Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) and other standing peace agreements.
Alan Jazmines
NDF Peace Consultant detained at the
Security Intensive Care Area
Camp Bagong Diwa, Taguig
(The author is a member of the NDF’s Socio-Economic Committee and is supposed to sit in in the meeting of the Reciprocal Working Committee of the NDF and GPH on Socio-Economic Reforms, but was arrested on the eve of the resumption of the long-stalled formal peace talks between the NDF and GPH on February 14, 2011 and continues to be detained up to now – – in violation of the JASIG. Because of the GPH’s refusal to release him and other NDF peace consultants and JASIG protection holders, the formal peace talks between the NDF and the GPH continued to be suspended).