Archive for category: Statements

PRESS STATEMENT
September 21, 2017
[Bisaya»]

The National Democratic Front of the Philippines – North Central Mindanao Region (NDFP-NCMR) fervently condemns the US-Duterte’s martial law, which does not have a big difference of Marcos’ martial law, 45 years ago. However, the state’s fangs became sharper in implementing this, considering the massive killings which already victimized more or less 10,000 already.

Widespread human rights violations
It could be recalled that under the horrifying martial law of Marcos, 3,240 were killed through salvage and summary executions, 70,000 were imprisoned, 34,000 were tortured, and 1,000 were desaparacedos. Marcos successfully implemented these through scrapping the writ of habeas corpus and through the predominance of military forces over all aspects of the society.

To manipulate public opinion, Marcos shut-downed all media stations and suppressed them from exposing the facts under his dictatorship. This resulted to extensive press freedom violations. The people were also deprived of their right to organization and assembly.

Up until now, thousands of the victims and families of those victims were still echoing for justice. Bunch of those who were abducted are not yet being surfaced.

Despite of the grave injustice of the previous martial law, US-Duterte Regime was still determined in imposing this in Mindanao and even threatened the public to implement this nationwide.

At present, not less than 200,000 families forcedly evacuated from their communities in Marawi City. Thousands of civilians were killed, including those who died in the evacuation center and those tagged as ‘Maute’ who were killed by the soldiers. 29,250 displaced students are also at the evacuation centers and forcedly stopped from going to school. Not less than 100 civilians are also missing until present.

Aside from Marawi City, the Lumad in the countryside are also experiencing human rights violations, under the concealed OPlan Kapayapaan of Duterte. Through his martial law, the soldiers, policemen, and its paramilitary groups are licensed to harass, kill, threat and violate the basic rights of the Lumad. Hence, up until now, the Lumad are still in their shanties in front of the Capitol Grounds in Bukidnon to demand the end of militarization in their communities.

On July 12, members of PNP Public Safety Company arbitrarily arrested a couple Ryan and Gretchen Espera, member of Kasama-Bukidnon, a peasant’s progressive organization in the province. Members of the 8th Infantry Battalion also arrested peasants Roel and Eric Calolot on June 23, in Purok 9, Kiburiao, Quezon, Bukidnon and were forced to claim the bombs which were taken by the soldiers. Troops of 58th IB also committed a frustrated killing to Roy Ibarat of Pangalasag, based in Opol, Misamis Oriental. Soldiers also indiscriminately fired the farmers in Purok 1, Magsaysay, Quezon, Bukidnon on September 9.

Duterte’s counter-insurgency program served to suppress the people’s basic rights. Checkpoints became rampant so they could investigate the innocent civilians. In our region alone, it is estimated that not less than 150 checkpoints have been installed. This will become worse through the National ID System which aims to make the state manipulate every individual’s information. If this would be fully implemented, Philippines will never be far to becoming a police state. On July 24 for example, during Duterte’s State of the Nation Address (SONA), military and policemen, through their mounted checkpoint, forcedly held 2,500 civilians from attending a protest action in Iligan City.

Of exceedingly idolizing Marcos, Duterte manipulated the AFP to dominate the information environment to suppress the people from knowing the incidents. He may not shut down media stations, yet there is the dictate and monopoly of whatever statement or news to spread. Hence, only the state could propagate in the news which are mostly fake or half true and half lies. This is implemented by his US puppet-to-the-bones accomplice Lorenzana, Esperon, Año and dela Rosa (LEAD).

No other interest: to dominate the economic power
In Marcos’ martial law, the country suffered from the $28.3 billion foreign debt. This was due to his installation of different infrastructures, just like the farm-to-market roads, bridges and of cluttering corruptions under martial law. US monopolies were allowed to have permanent economic enclaves by the creation of free trade zones, where they are beyond the tax laws of the Philippine puppet government. Marcos and his cronies such as Rodolfo Cuenca, Herminio Disini, Roberto Benedicto, and Eduardo Cojuangco benefitted from the imposition of terror. With this, Marcos also secured an ill-gotten wealth range from $5-35 billion. Up until now, this was not returned to the people, the rightful owner of the wealth.

Duterte’s martial law is also the same. While there are a lot of civilians who were treated as “collateral damage” in the OPlan Tokhang, he also implemented his plans of installing different infrastructures, through his “Build, build, build.” He submitted Marawi to his businessmen/capitalists accomplice so they could “rehabilitate” this and enjoy the large amount of fund indebted from China which would eventually make the Philippines as “debt slave.”

To acquiesce the US’ “war on terror,” he bombed Marawi and its adjacent communities almost every day which abet the AFP another P1 billion additional budget for the purchase of bombs, ammos, and fuel. This would be another racket for corruption of the generals. He bluffs about exterminating the “terrorists” which is in fact, exterminating the people’s legitimate struggle. This war on terror is only a concealment to ultimately squeeze out the country’s remaining resources.

People’s struggle
The two dictator’s basis of imposing martial law is common: the people’s struggle.

The Filipino people greatly struggle during the Marcos dictatorship. This could be seen with the founding of Kabataang Makabayan (KM) on 1964. On 1968, Communist Party of the Philippines was also reestablished and was followed on 1969 by the New People’s Army (NPA). The people’s discontentment became blatant. The fascist dictator Marcos then imposed martial law on 1972.

Also at present, the revolutionary movement strengthened. Mass bases of the revolutionary movement expanded, NPA fighters increased in numbers, the resistance of the Moro people and of the national minorities intensified, and the demands of the oppressed and exploited became widespread.

Hence, it could be remembered that instead of conducting peace talks with the NDFP, Duterte instead demanded to sign a bilateral ceasefire. Since US-Duterte regime failed to do so, he just implemented martial law.

But more than remembering the dark days of the Filipino people during Marcos’ martial law, we should also remember the heroic uprising of the people which decisively paved way to the end of martial law. Through EDSA People Power Uprising on 1986 and through the armed struggle, the repugnant martial law was scrapped and the fascist dictator was ousted. It could be remembered that thousands of activists, especially among the youth and students, held arms to ultimately fight the fascist dictator.

Hence, the NDF-NCMR call upon all the people to further strengthen our unity and resist martial law in Mindanao and its pending implementation nationwide. We will never allow the horror of martial law which was already at its wake 31 years had passed! #

For Reference,
Cesar Renerio
Spokesperson
National Democratic Front – NCMR

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PAMAHAYAG SA MEDIA
September 21, 2017

Ika-45 nga kasumaran Sa Martial Law Ni Marcos, daw zombie nga nabanhaw panahon SA Rehimeng US-Duterte

Hugot nga gikundena sa National Democratic Front – North Central Mindanao Region (NDF-NCMR) ang Martial Law sa rehimeng US-Duterte nga walay dakong kalahian sa martial law sa kanhing diktaduryang Marcos, 45 ka tuig na ang milabay. Gani, mas nahimo pang labaw kahait ang tango sa estado sa pagpatuman niini sa pagkonsidera sa kaylap nga pagpamatay nga kapin kun kulang 10,000 na.

Kaylap nga pagpanglapas sa tawhanong katungod
Kahinumduman nga mikabat sa 3,240 ang gipatay, 70,000 ang gipriso, 34,000 ang gi-tortyur, ug 1,000 ang gidagit sa makalilisang nga martial law ni Marcos. Nahimong malampuson si Marcos sa pagpatuman niini tungod sa pagbasura sa writ of habeas corpus ug pagpatigbabaw sa pwersang militar sa halos tanang aspeto sa katilingban.

Aron mamanipula ang opinyong publiko, gisirhan sa diktaduryang Marcos ang tanang istasyon sa midya ug gihikawan sa katungod nga mopasibaw sa tinuod nga mga panghitabo. Miresulta kini sa kaylap nga pagpanglapas sa kagawasan sa pagpamahayag. Gihikawan usab ang katawhan sa gawasnong pag-organisa ug asembliya.

Hangtud sa kasamtangan, liboan pa gihapon sa mga biktima ug pamilya sa mga biktima ang nagsinggit og hustisya. Daghan pa sa mga gidagit kaniadto ang wala nakita hangtod karon.

Apan taliwala sa grabeng inhustisya sa milabay’ng martial law, determinado pa gihapon ang rehimeng US-Duterte nga ipahamtang kini sa Mindanao ug nagbahad pa nga ipakanaog kini sa tibuok nasud.

Sa kasamtangan, mikabat na sa dili momenos sa 200,000 ka pamilya ang naipit sa gyera sa Marawi ug pugos nga nagbakwit gikan sa ilahang komunidad. Liboan ka mga sibilyan ang napatay, lakip na dinhi ang mga namatay sa evacuation center ug mga gika-ingong ‘Maute’ kuno nga napatay sa mga sundalo. Mokabat na usab sa 7,028 ka mga estudyante ang anaa karon sa evacuation center ang pugos nga naundang sa ilahang pag-eskwela. Dili na usab moubos sa 100 ka sibilyan ang missing hangtud sa kasamtangan.

Gawas sa Marawi City, anaa usab ang pagpamig-ot sa mga igsoon natong Lumad sa kabanikanhan, sa takuban sa Oplan Kapayapaan ni Duterte. Tungod sa martial law, nahatagan karon og lisensya ang mga kasundalohan, kapulisan ug mga alipures niining mga grupong paramilitar diha sa pagpanghasi, pagpamatay, pagpangbahad ug uban pang pagpanglapas sa tawhanong katungod ngadto sa mga Lumad. Busa, hangtud sa kasamtangan, anaa pa gihapon ang presensya sa mga Lumad atubangan sa Capitol Grounds sa Bukidnon aron ipanawagan ang pagpahunong sa militarisasyon sa ilahang mga komunidad.

Niadtong Hulyo 12 sa Valencia City, Bukidnon, arbitraryong gi-aresto sa PNP Public Safety Company ang magtiayong sila Ryan ug Gretchen Espera, membro sa Kasama-Bukidnon, progresibong organisasyon sa mga mag-uuma sa prubinsya. Giaresto usab sa 8th IB ang managsuong mag-uuma nga silang Roel ug Eric Calolot niadtong Hulyo 23, sa Purok 9, Kiburiao, Quezon, Bukidnon ug pugos nga gipaangkon sa ilaha ang mga bomba nga nakuha sa mga kasundalohan. Gisulayan usab pagpatay sa mga sundalo sa 58th IB ang lider-Lumad nga si Roy Ibarat sa Pangalasag, nga nakabase sa Opol, Misamis Oriental. Gipamusil usab sa mga sundalo ang mga mag-uuma sa Purok 1, Magsaysay, Quezon, Bukidnon niadtong Setyembre 9.

Ang kontra-insurhensiyang programa ni Duterte nagsilbi aron hikawan ang katawhan sa ilang mga batakang katungod. Kaylap ang pagmontar og mga tsekpoynt aron rekisahon ang mga sibilyan. Sa atong rehiyon, gibana-banang dili moubos sa 150 ka mga tsekpoynt ang gimontar. Labaw pa kining gipagrabe sa pasistang National ID System nga nagtinguhang i-manipula sa estado ang impormasyon sa tanang indibidwal. Kun mahingpit kini, mahimo na’ng usa ka police state ang Pilipinas. Kaniadtong Hulyo 24 pananglitan, atol sa State of the Nation Address (SONA) ni Duterte, giharang sa gimontar nga tsekpoynt sa kapulisan ug militar ang 2,500 ka mga sibilyan nga motambong unta sa gipahigayong lihok-protesta sa Iligan City.

Sa tumang pag-idolo niya kang Marcos, gimanipula niini ang pagdomina sa AFP sa information environment aron hikawan ang katawhan sa tiunay nga kasayuran sa mga panghitabo. Wala tuod niya siradohi ang mga istasyon sa midya, apan anaa ang pagdikta ug pagmonopolyo sa unsa mang ipagawas nga pamahayag ug balita. Busa, lunlon estado lamang ang makapagarpar sa balita nga kasagaran peke o katunga tinuod ug katunga bakak. Gipatuman kini sa iyang mga dulot-sa-bukog-nga-pagkaitoy sa US nga mga sagabay sama nilang Lorenzana, Esperon, Año ug Dela Rosa (LEAD).

Walay laing interes: pagdomina sa gahum pang-ekonomiya
Sa martial law ni Marcos, nalubong ang nasud sa $28.3 billion nga utang sa langyaw’ng tigpautang. Tungod kini sa pagtukod niya sa nagkalain-laing imprastruktura, sama sa farm-to-market road, mga tulay ug sa korapsyon nga naghitak ubos sa martial law. Gitugutan niini ang Estados Unidos nga mag-instalar og pang-ekonomiyang engklabo pinaagi sa mga free trade zones, nga dili na mopailalom sa balaod sa pamuhis sa gobyerno sa Pilipinas. Dakong bahin sa mga nakabenepisyo niini mao ang mga dagkung burgesya kumprador, sama nilang Rodolfo Cuenca, Herminio Disini, Roberto Benedicto ug Eduardo Cojuangco. Niini, dako usab ang nakurakot ni Marcos nga mokabat og $5-$35 billion. Hangtud sa kasamtangan, wala pa kini mabalik sa kamot sa katawhan, nga maoy tinuod nga nanag-iya niini.

Susama usab ang martial law ni Duterte. Samtang daghang sibilyan ang giisip nga “collateral damage” sa OPlan Tokhang, gipatuman usab niya ang laraw pagpanukod og lain-laing imprastruktura, pinaagi sa iyang “Build, build, build.” Gitanyag niya ang Marawi ngadto sa mga sagabay niyang mga negosyante/kapitalista alang sa pag-rehabilitate kuno niini ug pistahan ang dakong pundong giutang niya sa China nga maghimo sa Pilipinas nga “ulipon sa utang.”

Sa pagsanong sa kagustohan sa US sa “gubat niini sa terorismo,” halos adlaw-adlaw nga gibombahan niini ang Marawi ug mga kasikbit nga dapit nga nakaaghat sa AFP og laing P1 ka bilyon ka pesos nga dugang kunong badyet alang sa pagpalit og mga bomba, bala, ug gasolina. Lain na usab kining raket sa korapsyon sa mga heneral. Gipasiatab niini ang pagpuo sa mga “terorista” nga sa pagkatinuod, mao ang pagpuo sa lehitimong pakigbisog sa katawhan. Kining gubat sa terorismo takuban lamang sa ultimo nilang katuyoang pugaon ang nahabiling bahandi sa nasud.

Pagsukol sa katawhan
Komon sa duha ka diktador ang kapasikaran sa pagpahamtang sa martial law: ang pagsukol sa katawhan.

Kusog ang pagsukol sa katawhang Pilipino panahon sa diktaduryang Marcos. Makita kini sa pagkatukod sa Kabataang Makabayan (KM) niadtong 1964. Gisundan dayon kini sa pagkahimugso sa Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) niadtong 1968 ug sa Bagong Hukbong Bayan (BHB) niadtong 1969. Dayag kaayo ang pagkadiskuntento sa katawhan. Dinhi dayon gipahamtang sa pasistang diktador nga si Marcos ang Martial Law niadtong 1972.

Sa kasamtangan usab, samot pang nagkakusog ang rebolusyunaryong kalihukan. Mas nagkalapad na ang baseng masa sa rebolusyunaryong kalihukan, nagkadaghan na ang ihap sa BHB, nagkakusog na ang pagsukol sa katawhang Moro ug mga nasudnong minorya, ug nagkasibaw na ang singgit sa katawhang pinahimuslan ug dinaug-daog.

Busa, mahinumduman nga imbes mopahigayon og panaghisgot sa kalinaw ang gobyerno sa Pilipinas ug ang NDFP, nagdemanda na hinuon si Duterte nga pirmahan ang usa ka baylateral sispayr. Apan kay wala man magmalampuson ang rehimeng US-Duterte sa maong laraw, mipakanaog na lang kini og balaod militar.

Apan gawas sa paghinumdum sa mangilngig nga kasinatian sa katawhang Pilipino sa martial law ni Marcos, hinumduman usab nato nga ang mabayanihong pagsukol sa katawhan nga maoy nakapapas sa balaod militar. Pinaagi sa EDSA People Power niadtong 1986 ug sa pag-asdang sa armadong pakigbisog, nabasura ang mangilngig nga balaod militar ug napalagpot ang pasistang diktador. Kahinumdumang liboan ka mga aktibista, ilabina sa han-ay sa mga kabatan-onan-estudyante, ang misaka sa kabukiran ug migunit og armas aron hingpit nga suklan ang pasistang diktador.

Busa, ang NDF-NCMR nanawagan sa tanang katawhan nga labaw pang palig-unon nato ang panaghiusa ug batukan ang martial law sa Mindanaw ug ang nag-ung-ong nga imlementasyon niini sa tibuok nasud. Dili nato tugutang mabanhaw pa ang multo sa martial law nga dugay nang gihaya 31 na ka tuig ang milabay! #

Alang sa dugang kasayuran,

Cesar Renerio
Tigpamaba
National Democratic Front – NCMR

Information Bureau
Communist Party of the Philippines
19 September 2017

GRP President Duterte was quoted by news reports yesterday saying he was open or not averse to resuming peace talks with the NDFP.

As the Party and NDFP has often stated, it is the policy of the revolutionary forces to remain open to peace negotiations with any ruling regime that expresses willingness to seriously discuss the roots of the armed conflict in accordance with previously agreed principles and procedures as stipulated in The Hague Declaration.

Thus, the NDFP-GRP peace negotiations can resume if Duterte will drop his earlier precondition of a bilateral ceasefire which became the single biggest factor which terminated the talks. The ball is still in Duterte’s hands.

Clearly, Duterte is resurrecting talks of peace negotiations as part of his damage control measures in the face of the increasing isolation of his regime. Duterte is widely blamed for terminating the NDFP-GRP negotiations because of his stubborn insistence to toe the US line of using peace talks as an instrument for the pacification and capitulation of the revolutionary forces.

While open to resuming peace talks with the Duterte regime, revolutionary forces are no longer hopeful that anything substantive will come out of it in the face of Duterte’s subservience to the interests of US imperialism and other big foreign capitalist countries.

How can negotiations on socio-economic questions go anywhere when Duterte zealously implements neoliberal policies and pushes for such anti-people policies as the Compressed Work Week or 12-hour workday, removal of restriction on foreign ownership of public utilities, debt-driven infrastructure projects and others?

What will come out of negotiations on political and constitutional reforms considering Duterte’s all-out subservience to the US military and its counter-insurgency doctrine and aerial bombardment campaign in Marawi and other parts of the country? Duterte’s triple war violates the human rights agreement with impunity. He could not even fulfill his vow to release political prisoners now numbering more than 400.

Information Bureau, Communist Party of the Philippines
18 September 2017

All victims of Duterte’s political persecution, armed oppression and bloody campaign of mass murder are bound to unite in their common desire for justice and to resist and frustrate his plans to prop himself up as a fascist dictator.

They can come together in mass demonstrations on September 21 to mark the 45th year of the declaration of martial law, recall the fascist crimes of the US-Marcos dictatorship and hold Duterte accountable for the crimes perpetrated in the three wars of his fascist regime.

They must collectively reject Duterte’s threats to use the police and military to break-up demonstrations on the pretext of “rebels taking to the streets.” They must denounce Duterte’s declared plan to impose martial law and his tactics to divide and intimidate the swelling ranks of the people clamoring for his ouster.

In the course of the next few weeks and months, more and more local assemblies, indoor rallies and street demonstrations can be mounted to reach out and mobilize the biggest number of people in their communities and towns.

Barangay centers, auditoriums, ampitheaters and coliseums can serve as venues to try Duterte for his crimes, hear the grievances of his victims and galvanize them to action.

They must raise their unity against Duterte’s bureaucrat capitalist rule, puppetry to US imperialism especially military intervention in Marawi and elsewhere, imposition of new taxes, surrender of territory to China in exchange for onerous and burdernsome loans, demolition of homes, land grabbing for plantations and infrastructure projects and other anti-people policies and programs.

No amount of Duterte bravado, political and legal maneuvers and relentless propaganda will stop the groundswell of protest actions demanding an end to his regime of death and destruction.

In just over a year, the Duterte regime has mounted three wars and has victimized nearly a million people. It has carried out a campaign of mass murder and aerial bombings in the course of its anti-drug war hoax, its nearly genocidal war to destroy Marawi and suppress Moro resistance and its Mindanao martial law and nationwide all-out war.

Information Bureau | Communist Party of the Philippines
September 5, 2017

Duterte’s feverish push to implement a National ID system is part of his machinations to establish a totalitarian state of mass surveilance, population control, social, political and criminal profiling and mass murder.

The draft law of the National ID system has been bulldozed by Duterte’s supermajority of political allies in the House of Representatives. Will the GRP Senate pass the proposed ID system with similar dispatch and prove itself to be no more than a rubberstamp than the lower house is?

The Party joins the Filipino people in opposing the National ID system. In the hands of the Duterte regime, especially its security, military and police agencies, the National ID system will serve as an additional weapon for fascist suppression. There will be terrible results once such a weapon is placed in the hands of a strong-man tyrant as Duterte who is obsessed with summary killings and mass murder as “solution” to social problems, to silence his political opponents and suppress people’s resistance.

Such a system has long been proposed by the AFP and PNP and US military and security advisers to facilitate mass surveillance through the centralization of the collection and storage (or databasing) of personal information. Past regimes have failed to push the National ID system confronted with popular opposition. The US imperialists will congratulate Duterte if he succeeds on ramming the repressive system.

Duterte’s proposed system aims to collect an inclusive list of personal information in violation of civil rights. This include DNA information, which even under current GRP jurispudence, require a court injunction. Duterte’s National ID system will be a deathblow to privacy rights. In the hands of a repressive and oppressive state, the collection of such information will surely be weaponized and used as a tool for mass surveillance, social, political and criminal profiling.

In many capitalist countries, centralized databases of personal information collected officially as well as illegally have been used by military and security agencies for mass surveillance and “terrorist profiling” leading to stigmatizing of social, religious and political groups and false accusations against individuals.

To conceal its insiduous aims and dupe the people to support the proposed identification system, the Duterte regime makes false claims that the National ID will serve to expedite the delivery of government service. Such claims are put to dispute by the fact that the Duterte regime continues to cut the budget for public education and public health and other important social services.

How can a National ID system help facilitate the provision of public health when government hospitals are, in fact, being commercialized and privatized in whole and in part? If the priority of government is to provide everyone with free public health, free education, free public housing, public transportation and so on, there is no need for a National ID system for the people to benefit from these.

A national system of identification has nothing to do with the efficiency in the provision of public service. Under the social welfare system of Norway, where there is no such system of national identification, everyone has access to advanced public health care. In contrast, in the United States, which has one of the most extensive system of collecting and centralizing personal information, public access to health care, especially of the economically marginalized, is one of the worst in the world.

Computerization does not make a clean government. This is starkly demonstrated by continuing widespread corruption in government agencies which has computerized its record-keeping and processing. Manipulation of election results in the Philippines have become more widespread, albeit less obvious, through automation.